Mary II

Mary II

Mary, filha de James e Anne Hyde, nasceu no Palácio de St. James, em Londres, em 1662. Junto com sua irmã Anne, ele foi criado como protestante e em 1677 se casou com seu primo William, Príncipe de Orange.

Carlos II e sua esposa Catarina de Bragança não tiveram filhos. Havia dois candidatos possíveis para suceder Carlos: James e James Scott, duque de Monmouth, o filho ilegítimo mais velho do rei. Pouco antes de morrer em fevereiro de 1685, Charles admitiu que era católico. Ele também anunciou que seu irmão James iria sucedê-lo ao trono.

Em junho de 1685, o duque de Monmouth desembarcou na Inglaterra com um pequeno exército. Como ele era um protestante, esperava que a maioria da população apoiasse sua reivindicação ao trono, mas as pessoas na Inglaterra não estavam dispostas a se envolver em outra Guerra Civil. Monmouth foi, portanto, facilmente derrotado pelo exército do rei.

Após esta vitória, James tentou colocar amigos católicos em posições de poder. No entanto, os Atos de Teste tornaram impossível para ele fazer isso. Quando o Parlamento se recusou a mudar essas leis, ele as ignorou e começou a nomear católicos para cargos importantes no exército e no governo.

James também anunciou que pretendia permitir que os católicos tivessem total liberdade religiosa na Inglaterra. Quando o arcebispo de Canterbury e seis outros bispos se opuseram a isso, James deu instruções para que fossem presos e enviados para a Torre de Londres.

Alguns membros da Câmara dos Comuns enviaram mensagens à Holanda convidando Mary e seu marido, William, o príncipe de Orange, para virem à Inglaterra. Maria e William foram informados de que, como eram protestantes, teriam o apoio do Parlamento se tentassem derrubar Tiago.

Em novembro de 1688, William e seu exército holandês chegaram à Inglaterra. Quando o exército inglês se recusou a aceitar as ordens de seus oficiais católicos, James fugiu para a França. Como a derrubada de James ocorreu sem uma violenta Guerra Civil, este evento ficou conhecido como a Revolução Gloriosa.

William e Mary foram agora nomeados pelo Parlamento como soberanos conjuntos. No entanto, o Parlamento foi determinado que não teria outro monarca que governasse sem o seu consentimento. O rei e a rainha tiveram que prometer que sempre obedeceriam às leis feitas pelo Parlamento. Eles também concordaram que nunca arrecadariam dinheiro sem a permissão do Parlamento. Para que não pudessem seguir seu próprio caminho com o uso da força, Guilherme e Maria não foram autorizados a manter o controle de seu próprio exército. Em 1689, esse acordo foi confirmado pela aprovação da Declaração de Direitos.

Mary morreu sem filhos de varíola em 1694.

Chegaram queixas de todas as partes da Inglaterra, reclamando da violência usada nas eleições de 1685 ... Os métodos foram tão bem-sucedidos que Jaime II disse que havia apenas 40 membros do parlamento com os quais ele estava descontente.

Lord Russell nos informou que sua Alteza está pronta e disposta a nos dar assistência ... Sua Alteza pode estar certa de que dezenove entre vinte ... no reino ... desejam a mudança.


Maria II da Inglaterra (Dinastia Orange)

Mary II (O.S. 30 de abril de 1662 - 27 de agosto de 1719) foi a soberana conjunta da & # 160Inglaterra, Escócia e Irlanda & # 160 com seu marido (e primo-irmão) & # 160William III e II & # 160 de 13 de fevereiro de 1689 até sua morte. Nascida como a primeira filha do católico romano & # 160James II e VII, ela iria derrubar seu predecessor com o apoio do Parlamento devido a suas inclinações protestantes e foi prontamente declarada ao lado de seu marido rainha e rei reinante.

Uma reformista, ela decidiu manter um governo de interferência real limitada com a aprovação da Declaração de Direitos em 1689, e embora ela tentasse controlar seus próprios poderes, ela simultaneamente cedeu a maior parte de sua autoridade ao marido, embora ele tivesse que confie nela para manter o poder popular em suas nações. Ela, no entanto, muitas vezes teve que agir sozinha na Inglaterra e na Escócia durante os períodos de tempo em que William estava lutando no exterior, provando ser uma administradora capaz, embora descomprometida.

No entanto, após a morte de seu marido em 1712, ela lentamente se retirou da vida pública e concedeu mais poderes a seu filho e herdeiro durante o auge da tumultuada Guerra dos Quinze Anos, o futuro & # 160William IV & # 160, que foi nomeado pelo parlamento por mês antes da morte de Mary para ser o príncipe regente com o poder de agir em seu nome.


Mary nasceu em 30 de abril de 1662 no Palácio de St. James em Londres. Na época de seu nascimento, seu pai era apenas o duque de York, já que seu irmão mais velho, Carlos II, ainda era rei da Inglaterra, Escócia e Irlanda. Isso também foi antes de seu pai se converter ao catolicismo, então Maria foi batizada como anglicana.

Wikimedia Commons

Rei Guilherme III e Rainha Maria II (1689 - 1702)

William nasceu em Haia, na Holanda. Ele era filho único e nunca conheceu seu pai, William II, que morreu de varíola antes de seu nascimento. Sua mãe era Maria, filha mais velha de Carlos I da Inglaterra. William foi nomeado Stadtholder (magistrado chefe) e capitão-geral das forças holandesas em 1672 para resistir à invasão francesa dos Países Baixos. Ele forçou Luís XIV a fazer a paz em 1678 e depois se concentrou em construir uma aliança europeia contra a França. Em 1677 ele se casou com sua prima Mary, filha mais velha de James, duque de York, o futuro James II. O casamento pretendia restaurar as relações entre a Inglaterra e a Holanda após as guerras anglo-holandesas. William era um soldado bem-sucedido, mas tinha vários favoritos masculinos, era sombrio, asmático, 12 anos mais velho e vários centímetros mais baixo do que sua esposa inglesa Mary, que era uma noiva relutante.

Em 1688, eles foram convidados pela oposição parlamentar ao pai de Maria, Jaime II, para assumir a coroa na Inglaterra e tiveram o apoio inglês garantido. Guilherme desembarcou em Torbay em 5 de novembro de 1688, em 463 navios sem oposição da Marinha Real, e com um exército de 14.000 soldados que reuniu apoio local cresceu para mais de 20.000 e avançou em Londres no que ficou conhecido como A Revolução Gloriosa . Jaime fugiu para a França e, em fevereiro de 1689, Guilherme e sua esposa foram coroados Rei Guilherme III e Rainha Maria II. O Parlamento aprovou a Declaração de Direitos que impedia os católicos de sucederem ao trono, garantindo que a irmã de Maria, Ana, se tornasse a próxima rainha, e após as regras autocráticas dos Reis Carlos II e seu irmão Jaime II limitaram os poderes dos monarcas para que eles pudessem nem aprovar leis nem cobrar impostos sem consentimento parlamentar.

William e Mary foram confrontados em 1689 com duas tentativas jacobitas de recuperar o trono. Na Escócia, as tropas do governo foram derrotadas em Killiekrankie pelos jacobitas escoceses, mas venceram logo depois em Dunkeld, e Jaime II desembarcou na Irlanda com tropas francesas e sitiou Londonderrry. A marinha de Guilherme aliviou o cerco e ele liderou seu exército à vitória na Batalha de Boyne em julho de 1690. James fugiu de volta para a França. William voltou várias vezes à Holanda, mas encontrou o parlamento inglês relutante em apoiar sua guerra contínua com a França. O Banco da Inglaterra foi fundado em 1694 para controlar os gastos públicos. Williamsburg e o colégio de William and Mary na Virgínia receberam o nome do Rei e da Rainha em 1693.

Mary morreu de varíola em 1694 e não teve filhos sobreviventes. William agora governava sozinho. A Paz de Rijswijk em 1697 marcou o fim da guerra em Flandres com Luís XIV. Guilherme formou uma aliança entre a Inglaterra, a Holanda e a Áustria para impedir a união das coroas francesa e espanhola. Isso ficou conhecido como a Guerra da Sucessão Espanhola . Em 1701, após a morte do Príncipe William, o único filho sobrevivente da irmã de Mary, Anne, o Ato de Acordo foi aprovado garantindo a sucessão dos herdeiros protestantes de Sophie de Hanover em vez dos herdeiros católicos de Jaime. William morreu em 1702 de pneumonia após uma clavícula quebrada após uma queda de seu cavalo. Porque seu cavalo supostamente tropeçou em uma toca de toupeira, os jacobitas brindaram 'o pequeno cavalheiro de colete de veludo preto'.


Vida pregressa

Mary, que nasceu em Londres, era a filha mais velha do Duque de York (o futuro James II) e de sua primeira esposa, Lady Anne Hyde. O tio de Maria era o rei Carlos II, seu avô materno, Edward Hyde, primeiro conde de Clarendon, serviu por um longo período como conselheiro principal de Carlos. Embora seus pais tivessem oito filhos, apenas Mary e sua irmã Anne sobreviveram até a idade adulta.

O duque de York se converteu ao catolicismo romano em 1668 ou 1669, mas Mary e Anne tiveram uma educação protestante, de acordo com o comando de Charles II. A mãe de Maria morreu em 1671 e seu pai se casou novamente em 1673, tendo como sua segunda esposa a católica Maria de Modena, também conhecida como Maria Beatriz d'Este.

Aos quinze anos, a Princesa Maria ficou noiva do Protestante Stadtholder e Príncipe de Orange, Guilherme III. William era filho de sua tia, Mary, princesa real e princesa de Orange, e do príncipe William II de Nassau. No início, Carlos II se opôs à aliança com um governante holandês - ele preferia que Maria se casasse com o herdeiro do trono francês, o Delfim Luís -, mas depois aprovou, pois uma coalizão com os holandeses se tornou mais politicamente favorável. Pressionado pelo Parlamento, o duque de York concordou com o casamento, presumindo falsamente que isso aumentaria sua popularidade entre os protestantes. Os primos de primeiro grau, Maria e Guilherme, se casaram em Londres em 4 de novembro de 1677.

Mary foi para a Holanda, onde morou com o marido. Ela não teve um casamento feliz, suas três gestações terminaram em aborto espontâneo ou natimorto. Ela se tornou popular entre os holandeses, mas seu marido a negligenciou ou até a maltratou. William manteve um caso com Elizabeth Villiers, uma das damas de companhia de Mary.


Significado da Revolução Gloriosa

Os católicos ingleses sofreram social e politicamente com a Revolução Gloriosa. Por mais de um século, os católicos não foram autorizados a votar, sentar-se no Parlamento ou servir como oficiais militares comissionados. Até 2015, o monarca titular da Inglaterra estava proibido de ser católico ou se casar com um católico. A Declaração de Direitos da Inglaterra de 1689 deu início à era da democracia parlamentar inglesa. Desde sua promulgação, nenhum rei ou rainha da Inglaterra detém poder político absoluto.

A Revolução Gloriosa também desempenhou um papel significativo na história dos Estados Unidos. A Revolução libertou os protestantes puritanos que viviam nas colônias americanas de várias das duras leis impostas a eles pelo rei católico Jaime II. As notícias da Revolução geraram esperanças de independência entre os colonos americanos, levando a vários protestos e revoltas contra o domínio inglês.

Talvez o mais importante, a Revolução Gloriosa serviu de base para o direito constitucional estabelecendo e definindo o poder governamental, bem como a concessão e limitação de direitos. Esses princípios relativos à divisão de poderes e funções entre ramos bem definidos do governo, executivo, legislativo e judiciário foram incorporados às constituições da Inglaterra, dos Estados Unidos e de muitos outros países ocidentais.


Primeiros anos

Mary Stuart nasceu em 8 de dezembro de 1542, no Palácio Linlithgow, West Lothian, Escócia. O pai de Mary morreu quando ela tinha apenas seis dias de idade, tornando-a rainha da Escócia.

Maria era filha do rei Jaime V da Escócia e de sua segunda esposa, Maria de Guise. O bisavô de Maria foi Henrique VII, tornando Henrique VIII seu tio-avô. Isabel I era prima de Maria.

Dado que Mary era apenas uma criança, seu tio-avô Henrique VIII fez uma oferta pelo controle. Sua mãe, no entanto, acabou atuando como regente em nome de Maria.

Maria foi inicialmente prometida ao filho de Henrique VIII, o príncipe Eduardo da Inglaterra, que mais tarde se tornou o rei Eduardo VI. Os católicos escoceses, no entanto, se opuseram a esse plano, uma vez que a Inglaterra havia se separado da Igreja Católica. Quando a partida foi anulada, a Inglaterra atacou a Escócia em ataques que ficaram conhecidos como & quotThe Rough Wooing. & Quot

Aos 5 anos, Mary foi enviada para a França, onde cresceu na luxuosa corte francesa. A mãe de Mary era francesa e os escoceses tinham uma aliança de longa data com a França, então Mary foi prometida ao herdeiro francês de 4 anos.

Um retrato da Rainha Elizabeth I (à esquerda) com Maria, Rainha dos Escoceses.

Fotos: DeAgostini / Getty Images National Galleries Of Scotland / Getty Images


Rainha Vitória (24 de maio de 1819 a 22 de janeiro de 1901)

  • Rainha do Reino Unido da Grã-Bretanha e Irlanda: 20 de junho de 1837 a 22 de janeiro de 1901
  • Coroação: 28 de junho de 1838
  • Imperatriz da Índia: 1º de maio de 1876 a 22 de janeiro de 1901

A Rainha Vitória do Reino Unido foi a monarca que governou por mais tempo na Grã-Bretanha. Ela governou durante uma época de expansão econômica e imperial, e deu seu nome à Era Vitoriana. Ela se casou com um primo, o príncipe Albert de Saxe-Coburg e Gotha, quando ambos tinham dezessete anos de idade, e teve sete filhos antes de sua morte em 1861 a mandou para um longo período de luto.


Dicionário de biografia nacional, 1885-1900 / Mary II (1662-1694)

MARIA II (1662-1694), rainha da Inglaterra, Escócia e Irlanda, filho mais velho de James, duque de York [q. v.], e sua primeira duquesa, Anne Hyde [q. v.], nasceu no Palácio de St. James em 30 de abril de 1662. Seu nascimento, em razão de seu sexo, 'não agradou a ninguém' (Pepys, Diário, eu. 442), e perdeu a importância que possuía com o nascimento, quinze meses depois, de seu irmão mais velho. Quando ela tinha dois anos de idade, Pepys (ib. doente. 44) viu o duque de York brincando com ela 'como um pai comum comum' e ele a viu novamente, quando tinha quase seis anos, 'uma criança de mangas penduradas, dançando muito bem, de modo que quase arrebatar suas orelhas eram tão Boa' (ib. vi. 43). Seus primeiros dias foram parcialmente passados ​​na casa de seu avô Clarendon em Twickenham, mas ela e os outros filhos do duque foram posteriormente estabelecidos no Richmond Palace, sob os cuidados de sua governanta, Lady Frances Villiers, cujas filhas, juntamente com Anne Trelawney e Sarah Jennings , estavam entre os play-fellows das jovens princesas. O duque de York foi constrangido a ter suas filhas educadas como protestantes pelo medo de serem tiradas dele por completo (Vida de James II, eu. 503). Uma espécie de superintendência geral parece ter sido exercida sobre sua educação por Morley, bispo de Winchester, que gozava da confiança do chanceler Clarendon e tinha considerável influência sobre as nomeações na casa do duque de York (Plumptre, Vida de ken, eu. 128). O treinamento religioso de Maria e Ana estava, no entanto, principalmente nas mãos de Compton, bispo de Londres, que lançou as bases do forte sentimento protestante de Maria, e a quem ela sempre permaneceu calorosamente ligada (Burnet, iii. 111-12). Nos últimos anos de sua infância, o Dr. Lake, posteriormente arquidiácono e prebendário de Exeter, e o Dr. Doughty estavam entre seus capelães (Lago, pp. 8, 24 cf. Krämer, p. 74). Seu tutor de francês foi Peter de Laine, que elogia muito suas habilidades (Miss Strickland, x. 247) no desenho, ela foi instruída pelos anões, Richard Gibson [q. v.] e sua esposa. Depois disso, Gibson acompanhou-a à Holanda. De um mestre de dança francês (Pepys), ela aprendeu uma realização que em 1688 ela descreveu como anteriormente "um de seus mais belos prazeres" (ap. Doebner, p. 5), e que em dezembro de 1674 ela exibiu perante a corte, quando com muitos aplausos, assumiu o papel de Calisto na máscara de Crowne com esse nome. Dryden cumprimentou as princesas em um epílogo que a máscara foi impressa em 1675 e foi dedicada a ela.

A disposição da mão de Maria logo se tornou uma questão política interessante. Após a morte de seu irmão mais novo, Edgar, duque de Cambridge (1671), ela se tornou mais uma vez herdeira presuntiva da coroa, e seu pai não teve filhos em seu segundo casamento até o nascimento de uma filha em 1675. Era óbvio que a escolha de um marido para ela deve provar ou outro elo na política de subserviência à França ou um freio a essa política. Já em 1672, o esquema de um casamento entre William, então em seu vigésimo terceiro ano, e Mary parece ter sido discutido na Holanda e conhecido na França (Kramer, p. 75 e nota). Após o término da guerra holandesa, iniciada naquele ano, o plano foi retomado (1674), ainda, porém, sem ser aprovado pela corte inglesa. Pois desde 1673 a diplomacia francesa tinha começado a bajular o duque de York com a esperança de que o delfim ajudasse sua filha mais velha e como Guilherme não era apreciado tanto pelo duque quanto por Carlos II, eles se recusaram a negociar com ele sobre o assunto de um casamento, em todos os eventos até que a paz deveria ter sido concluída entre as Províncias Unidas e a França (Dalrymple, i. 148. 158, 178 seqq. e cf. ib. p. 159 Jones História Secreta de Whitehall) Em 1675, no entanto, o esquema de casamento holandês foi adotado por Danby e seus colegas como parte de sua política para pacificar o parlamento e o sentimento público (Vida de James II, eu. 500-502) e Carlos II sancionou o envio de uma missão especial à Holanda. O Príncipe de Orange, no entanto, por sua vez deu uma recepção fria às aberturas dos enviados ingleses, que lhe prometeram a mão da Princesa Maria se ele concordasse com a paz geral para a qual as conferências estavam então sendo abertas, nem seria até o outono de 1677 que, tributando a negociação em suas próprias mãos, ele fez uma visita à corte inglesa. Embora Maria ainda fosse tão jovem - ela só tinha sido confirmada neste ano pelo Bispo Compton - seu pai, que a princípio recusou seu consentimento, cedeu ao comando do rei (ib. eu. 503 Macpherson, Artigos Originais, eu. 82). William provavelmente pensou que não havia tempo a perder, pois além dos desenhos franceses, parece ter falado de um terno sueco (Pufendorf ap. Klopf, ii. 75). A paz de Nimeguen ainda não estava assinada e tanto na Holanda quanto na Inglaterra, onde Guilherme era pessoalmente impopular, temia-se que traísse os interesses da aliança contra a França, sem ganhar a mão da princesa inglesa. Barillon foi garantido pelo duque de York que nenhuma resolução sobre seu casamento deveria ser tomada sem o conselho de Luís XIV, e o embaixador austríaco ficou perplexo com uma pergunta se o jovem rei Carlos II da Espanha poderia ser considerado um possível pretendente. Mas em 18 de outubro William, com o consentimento do rei, pediu ao duque a mão de sua filha, e no dia 21 o duque, após se desculpar o melhor que pôde perante Barillon, deu sua aprovação ao casamento, que foi anunciado por Carlos a um conselho privado realizado no dia seguinte como uma prova de seu interesse pela 'religião' (Vida de James II, eu. 509). A publicação do anúncio, embora geralmente bem recebido na Inglaterra e celebrado por fogueiras, parece ter levantado algumas suspeitas de que William havia sido pego nas labutas da política real, mas não foi até que os artigos de casamento foram prontamente redigidos por Danby dentro de três dias que o príncipe entrou em negociações sobre a paz. O único obstáculo à rápida conclusão do casamento foi a demora provocada pela encomenda dos vestidos de noiva em Paris, medida que tanto ofendeu na cidade que se resolveu não ordenar festas públicas.

Na tarde de 21 de outubro, Mary estava no Palácio de St. James informada por seu pai de sua concordância com o casamento, "pelo que ela chorou toda aquela tarde e no dia seguinte" (Lake, p. 5). Seguiram-se audiências complementares de mergulhadores (ib. pp. 5, 24) e em 4 de novembro o casamento foi solenizado pelo Bispo Compton nos aposentos da noiva. Waller compôs o epitálamo (Trabalho, ed. R. Bell. 1854, pág. 200): a jocosidade foi fornecida pelo rei Carlos e parece não ter faltado manifestações leais em Londres (ib. p. 6). Mas a notícia do noivado causou grande ira em Luís XIV, que suspendeu a pensão que pagava a Carlos II (Dalrymple, i. 181 seqq.) No dia seguinte ao casamento, Guilherme, por meio de Bentinck, presenteou sua noiva com um morgengabe de joias, avaliada em 40.000eu. (Lago). Mas as experiências amargas de sua vida de casada não demoraram muito para começar. Em 7 de novembro, a duquesa de York deu à luz um filho e, embora ele tenha sobrevivido apenas dez dias, não foi um acontecimento capaz de colocar Wiliiam de bom humor. Mais ou menos na mesma época, a princesa Anne foi colocada com varíola, e Maria não pôde ser induzida por seu marido a deixar o palácio infectado de St. James, onde buscou consolo de seu capelão, Dr. Lake (Diário, p. 9). Ventos contrários atrasaram a partida do príncipe e da princesa, e no intervalo Guilherme, que estava absorto nas negociações de paz, deu pouca atenção à noiva. Havia uma discrepância de doze anos entre as idades, ele estava com a saúde debilitada e taciturno, e a perspectiva de deixar a Inglaterra parecia cheia de miséria para ela em sua solidão.

Na manhã de 19 de novembro o príncipe e a princesa embarcaram em Whitehall, na companhia de toda a família real, mas o tempo desfavorável os obrigou a fazer um Desvio por Canterbury, onde permaneceram de 23 a 26 de novembro. No dia 28, eles finalmente zarparam de Margate (Lake, pp. 9-12 cf. Plumptre, I. 137 n.) Depois de uma viagem tempestuosa, eles chegaram a Ter-Heyde, de onde se dirigiram imediatamente a Honslardyke, a casa de campo favorita dos Príncipes de Orange (Lake, p. 12). Sua entrada formal em Haia foi adiada para 14 de dezembro

Mary foi acompanhada à Holanda por duas das filhas de Lady Frances Villiers, Elizabeth e Anne, e por sua favorita, Anne Trelawney, posteriormente dispensada de seu serviço por "William. Outra de suas damas de honra foi Jane Wroth, a quem Zulestein seduziu pela primeira vez e então se casou. Cercada por essas garotas vertiginosas e às vezes, como parece de sua correspondência, ela mesma não relutante em participar de sua alegria, Mary parece, desde o início, ter mantido perfeita sobriedade de conduta em seu novo lar. Dr. Hooper (zombeteiramente chamado de 'Papa' ou 'Pater' Hooper, posteriormente bispo de Bath and Wells), que sucedeu ao Dr. Lloyd (posteriormente bispo de Worcester) como um de seus capelães, deixou um relato detalhado de seu modo de vida, no qual ele afirma que, durante os dezoito meses de sua presença, ele nunca a viu fazer, ou a ouviu dizer, algo que ele desejasse que ela não fizesse. O boato solitário para seu descrédito chegou aos ansiosos ouvidos do Dr. Lake na Inglaterra foi t Mas ela havia retomado o hábito, do qual ele a aconselhou anteriormente a desistir, de jogar às vezes às cartas aos domingos. Ele não ficou menos perturbado, no entanto, ao saber que ela ocasionalmente adorava na igreja não-conformista inglesa mantida pelos Estados Gerais em Haia (Lake, Diário, pp. 22, 26 cf. Plumptre, i. '146).

Sua residência habitual era a conhecida 'Casa na Floresta', perto de Hasrue. Na própria capital, onde seu tio Clarendon residiu por um curto período como embaixador inglês, ela só passou a residir em ocasiões oficiais. O palácio em Loo, perto de Apeldoorn, da qual ela lançou a pedra fundamental, não foi erguido até 1680. A solidão dos primeiros anos de sua vida de casada é ilustrada pela declaração de que ela se sentiu na liberdade de ajustar sua capela em sua sala de jantar, já que seu marido nunca jantou com ela (ib. eu. 141). Sem dúvida, seu caráter estava se formando apenas gradualmente, e ela ainda não havia encontrado na religião uma panacéia para seus problemas. O Príncipe de Orange, embora tenha recebido sua madrasta e irmã com muita cortesia em sua visita a Haia no outono de 1678, continuou a mostrar à esposa a maior frieza. O casamento não teve filhos, as expectativas de Mary foram frustradas no início de 1678, e novamente em 1670 no último ano, o clima holandês a sujeitou a um ataque de febre, e ela foi enviada, sob os cuidados do jovem Dr. Drelincourt, para Aix-la-Chapelle (Clarendon Correspondence, eu. 42 cf. Krämer, p. 109). A doença dela pode ter contribuído para a indiferença de William, à qual ele deu publicidade estabelecendo Elizabeth Villiers como sua amante. O príncipe estava preocupado com a política, para a qual Maria confessou não ter gosto. Além disso, não por culpa dela, ela foi muito pressionada pelo dinheiro de sua parcela de casamento de 40.000eu. apenas metade parece ter sido paga a ela, e seu pai não fez uma mesada nem deu a ela os presentes habituais de joias (Burnet, iii. 1 33). assim, toda a sua renda anual ascendeu a menos de 4.000eu'., um dízimo da soma posteriormente concedida por James II à princesa Anne (Kramer, pp. 107-8 Clarendon Correspondence, eu. 20 cf. Macaulay, ii. 408. Em 1686, uma renda anual de 25.000eu. parece ter sido liquidado com Maria pelos Estados Gerais em troca de um empréstimo de Guilherme III. Ellis Correspondence, eu. 188).

O duque de York no início de 1679 visitou sua filha em Haia, e depois de uma estada em Aix-la-Chapelle ela recebeu visitas de Monmouth (27 de setembro) e do duque e da duquesa de York com a princesa Anne (6 Outubro) Foi o último encontro de Mary com seu pai. Com sua madrasta, ela parecia ter uma familiaridade lúdica (a duquesa se dirigia a ela como sua "querida Lemon", ver Miss Strickland, x. 298). A princesa Anne estava nesta ocasião acompanhada por Lady Churchill, entre quem e Mary é possível que as sementes de uma antipatia duradoura foram agora plantadas (ib. p. 301).

Em março e abril de 1680, Mary sofreu de uma doença grave e, em certo momento, foi considerada improvável que se recuperasse (H. Sidney, ii. 3). Ken, que agora era seu capelão e que, apesar de suas tendências latitudinárias, tinha um grande interesse por ela, ficou tão magoado com a indelicadeza de seu marido que resolveu correr o risco de protestar com ele sobre o assunto. Ken e Sir Gabriel Sylvius gostariam que ela fizesse uma visita à Inglaterra (ib. pp. 19-20, 26-7, 53 cf. Plumptre, i. 125, 146, 150). D'Avaux, também, que foi embaixador da França em Haia por volta de 1682-4, deixou um relato minucioso da maneira sombria como ela normalmente passava seus dias (Miss Strickland, x. 323-6). Mas em meio a essas provações os elementos mais nobres de sua natureza estavam começando a se afirmar e por sua alegre submissão, produto de uma doçura natural de disposição e de um senso de dever amadurecido pelo hábito dos exercícios devocionais e pelos religiosos influências ao seu redor, ela estava ganhando o coração do povo holandês. Durante uma visita feita por ela com o príncipe a Amsterdã em fevereiro de 1681, o entusiasmo excitado por ela parece ter sido extremo (Sir L. Jenkins para Savile, em Saviie Correspondence, ed. W. D. Cooper, Camd. Soc, 1857). A popularidade que ela assim adquiriu, ela nunca perdeu, e William posteriormente confessou livremente que excedia a sua própria (Macaulay, iv. 6). Em troca, ela concebeu uma afeição duradoura pelos holandeses (Dalrymple, iii. 123 Condessa Bentinck, pp. 119 et al. E ver ib. p. 141). Ela adquiriu a língua holandesa, em todos os eventos suficientemente bem para ser capaz de escrever uma carta nela (Dalrymple, iii. 87).

As relações entre Maria e seu pai permaneceram aparentemente inalteradas antes de sua ascensão ao trono, embora o casamento em 1683 de sua irmã Anne com o Príncipe Jorge da Dinamarca, um estado então em aliança com a França, fosse amplamente considerado como um contra-ataque aos a partida holandesa (Klopp, ii. 416 seqq.) Mesmo em 1684, o duque de York, ao pedir a Maria para protestar com o príncipe por sua civilização a Monmouth e outros 'inimigos mortais' de seu pai, reconhece sua própria abstenção da política ( Dalrymple, ii. 1, 70). Quando, no entanto, Monmouth veio para Haia em janeiro de 1685, Mary, certa da aprovação de seu marido, não fez segredo do prazer que sentia na companhia de seu visitante no gelo e em outros lugares (ver a conhecida descrição, fundada por Macaulay, i. 527, em Extratos de Birch (cf. Miss Strickland, x. 327). Na ascensão de Jaime II, que ele notificou a Maria em termos muito gentis, Monmouth teve de ser dispensado rapidamente. A tensão entre os dois tribunais criada por sua expedição fatal foi aumentada ainda mais pela indiscrição de Skelton, o embaixador de James em Haia. Dr. Coveil, o sucessor de Ken como capelão da princesa, informou Skelton que as infidelidades do príncipe estavam partindo seu coração (Clarendon Correspondence, eu. 163-6). A conjectura de Macaulay (ii. 172-3) de que William já estava com ciúmes da posição de sua esposa em relação à sucessão inglesa, enquanto sua ignorância política a impedia de penetrar na causa de sua insatisfação, repousa na narrativa de Burnet, que, segundo sua própria afirmação, heroicamente resolveu a dificuldade. Tendo chegado à Holanda no verão de 1686, Burnet, embora virtualmente um fugitivo, foi imediatamente recebido pelo príncipe e pela princesa e, depois de ganhar sua confiança, apresentando-lhe um plano para o assassinato de seu marido, foi autorizado a discutir com ela a situação geral. O resultado foi que em sua presença ela prometeu ao príncipe que ele sempre deveria governar, apenas exigindo uma promessa de afeto em troca (Tempo próprio, iii. 131 seqq.) Visão de Dartmouth (ib. p. 139 nota), que antes de se envolver no atentado contra a Inglaterra, o príncipe instruiu Burnet a obter essa promessa da princesa, tem muita probabilidade. Macaulay (ib. 179) se persuadiu de que doravante 'inteira confiança e amizade' prevaleciam entre William e Mary, mas deve-se notar que a ascendência de Elizabeth Villiers sobre o príncipe continuou ao longo da vida de sua esposa, que alude à conexão (Doebner, p. 42 ) Quanto a Burnet, quando em 1687 Jaime II escreveu duas vezes a Maria para insistir em que ele fosse proibido de sua corte, a demanda foi obedecida e ela não o viu novamente até alguns dias antes de Guilherme partir para a Inglaterra (Own Time, iii. 173) . Para as especiosas representações do novo enviado de seu pai, D'Albeville, Mary é dita por Burnet (ib. pp. 177-8) por ter respondido com tanta justiça que a descreveu como nessas questões mais intratável do que seu marido. Impassível pela eloquência escrita ou falada do emissário de seu pai, Penn, ela consistentemente apoiou todas as acusações dirigidas por William a James através de D'Albeville e Dykvelt na Declaração de Indulgência (1687) (ib. p. 173 cf. Macaulay, ii. 232 Mazure, ii. 199). Até então, James havia mostrado pouca ternura a Maria, ele rejeitara sua intercessão em nome do Bispo Compton quando denunciado perante o tribunal de alta comissão (Macaulay, ii. 408), e fez ouvidos moucos à solicitação dela de que ele usasse sua influência com Luís XIV para evitar a apreensão do principado de Orange - uma recusa que parece ter doído profundamente em sua mente (Mazure, iii. 16o). Em 4 de novembro de 1687, aproveitando-se de uma pergunta feita por Maria a D'Albeville, Tiago dirigiu-lhe uma carta elaborada com base em sua conversão a Roma, que o embaixador entregou a ela no Natal, com uma mensagem solicitando sua liberdade comentários. She in reply argued the whole question with ability and candour, ending with a fervent declaration of her conviction as to the truth of the protestant faith, and of her resolution to adhere to it (both letters are printed by Countess Bentinck, pp. 4-17). James retorted by recommending his daughter to read certain controversial books, and to discuss the subject in detail with Father Morgan, an English Jesuit then at the Hague. On 17 Feb. 1688 she answered that while taking the former she declined the latter advice (ib. pp. 18-24) ​ 'Nobody,' she wrote, 'has ever been railed into conviction,' Furthermore, she sent an account of the whole transaction to Anne and Compton and (through her chaplain, Dr. Stanley) to Sancroft. A few months later, after again taking the sacrament, she read the papers left behind her by her mother on her conversion [see Hyde, Anne], and informed her father of the fact (ib. pp. 57-64 Clarendon Correspondence ', ii. 484 seqq. cf. Burnet, iii. 195-204).

In the transactions which followed the Princess of Orange completely identified herself with her husband. Pensionary Fagel's letter, printed early in 1688, was intended as a kind of joint manifesto by William and Mary on the English question ( Macaulay , ii. 261-2 cf. Burnet , iii. 215-17). She was much agitated by the attempted recall of the English regiments from Holland, and wrote on the subject to James, who thereupon angrily broke off his attempts for her conversion (Memórias ap. Countess Bentinck , p. 65 cf. Dalrymple , ii. bk. v. p. 10). At Honslardyke, whither she had accompanied William after the discovery of a plot against his life (Memórias, u.s., p. 72), they heard of the imprisonment of the seven bishops (8 June) —a proceeding which specially shocked Mary — and of the birth of the Prince of W r ales (10 June), at which neither the ladies designated by Mary to represent her nor the ambassador of the States-General had been present ( Tylor , iii. 41). Mary's autobiographical memoirs make it clear that she viewed this event with no feeling of personal disappointment (u.s. p. 73 cf. Burnet , iii. 260) but it is noticeable that not long before the birth she had felt herself, as she describes it, awaking from a kind of fool's paradise, and coming to perceive how much it behoved her for the sake of the protestant religion to wish that she might attain to the crown (Memoirs, u.s., p. 62). It is also clear that though on the arrival of the news the prince and the princess sent Zulestein to England with their congratulations, while she ordered that the Prince of Wales should be prayed for in her chapel, she at least cherished suspicions from the first (ib. p. 74). She engaged in an active correspondence on the subject with Anne ( Miss Strickland , i. 364-5 cf. Account of Conduct, pp. 23-4). Anne's excessive vehemence at first failed to convince Mary when, however, the spuriousness of the birth was with increasing persistency asserted in England, and much dissatisfaction was there expressed with the offering of prayers at the IIa$rue, William and Mary absented themselves from D'Albeville's fete in honour of the birth, and ordered the prayers to cease. They were onlyresumed (against Mary's wish) when the indignation of James threatened an immediate rupture, and were once more stopped by her orders, so soon as William had started on his expedition (Memórias ap. Countess Bentinck , pp. 61-76 Burnet , ii. 259-60 and note Life of James II, p. 161 Miss Strickland , x. 364-o Klopp , iii. 4 1 , 55 seqq. Dalrymple , vol. ii. Ellis , Original Letters, 1st ser. iii. 348-9). Mary's conduct on this occasion was never forgiven by her father, but she was sincerely convinced that fraud had been practised, and thenceforth regarded her father's dethronement by her husband as inevitable (Memórias, u.s., pp. 75-6).

As the time for William's expedition to England drew near, he and Mary were kept informed of James's secret proceedings by Lord and Lady Sunderland, of whom the latter appears to have corresponded with Mary. A former chamberlain of the princess, a Genevan named Verace, who had resigned his office under rather suspicious circumstances, and had been superseded by a nobleman much disliked by James, Lord Coote, nearly succeeded in bringing these communications to the knowledge of the king through Skelton but the revelation was averted by Sunderland (cf. as to Verace, Memórias ap. Countess Bentinck pp.65 seqq.) During William's absence at Minden Mary remained at the Loo, able to give more time to devotion, and, according to her wont in the great crises of her life, ' opening her heart to nobody' (ib. pp. 77-8). In September her father was still professing to her his hope that she was ignorant of her husband's designs but though she was well aware of them, she had not altogether abandoned the hope of a different solution. As late as the beginning of October she suggested to D'Albeville, according to the Danish minister at the Hague, that James should break off his alliance with Louis XIV, and place a large military and naval force at the disposal of the States-General for the purpose of offensive operations against France. The project, which D'Albeville circulated with a lijjrht heart, was of course strangled in the birth (see Mazure, iii. 201-3 cf. Klopp, iv. 147). Burnet, who saw the princess at the Hague a day or two before the sailing of the expedition, describes her as very solemn and serious. She was, he says, praying for the divine blessing on the enterprise, and declared she would spare no efforts to prevent ' any disjointing between her interests and those of her consort' (Chen Time, iii. 311). About the same time Wil ​ liam himself spoke to her, very tenderly as she says, on the subject of her marrying again should he fall ancl she answered him with effusive affection, ' If she lost him she should not care for an angel ' (Memoirs ap. Countess Bentinck, p. 81).

For a month after "William's departure Mary remained in absolute retirement, only emerging to attend the public prayers in addition to those held in the palace. The extra-ordinary sympathy of which she found herself the object inspired her with fears that the devil (as to whose personality she had a strong conviction) was tempting her with vanity. At last she received, though not from William himself, information of his landing, and began to hold receptions, but declined to play cards. Her pleasure when tidings arrived from his own hand was disturbed by the news of a fresh design against his life. On 30 Dec. she heard of her father's flight, receiving at the same time William's orders to hold herself in readiness for departure (ib. pp. 89-92). Before leaving, however, she had to entertain at the Hague the Elector Frederick III of Brandenburg and his wife, her kinswoman, Sophia Charlotte. Then she returned to her previous solitary ways, distracted by reports, deprived of all political counsel, and dependent for comfort upon her pious thoughts and her bible. In these days she resorted to what became a favourite habit with her — the composition of prayers and meditations — and indited a special prayer on behalf of the contention winch was discussing her future at Westminster (Memoirs ap. Doebner, pp. 4-7, 12, 13). Although there can be little doubt that William purposely delayed her arrival in England, lest she should be in one way or another ' set above him ' (see Sheffield, Duke of Buckinghamshire, Some Account of the Revolution, Works, 1723, ii. 97-8 cf. Dalrymple, ii. 283 Macaulay, ii. 636, innocently attributes the delay to the perversity of the weather), yet Mary, even at a distance, seconded her husband's wishes. In opposition to the William ites, headed by Halifax, another party desired to raise Mary to the throne as sole sovereign, and its leader, Danbv, wrote to her in this sense. In reply she indignantly repudiated any attempt to raise her above her husband, to whom she transmitted the correspondence. It was, as Macaulay conjectures, after receiving it that William — whose views had, however, been already made known through Bentinck — openly refused to reign by his wife's courtesy. Burnet at the same time officiously proclaimed Mary's previous assurances to him on the subject. Thus it was settled that William and Mary should become king- and queen-regnant that he should administer the government in both their names and tbat the crown should descend in the first instance to the heirs of her body. The section of the church party which had advocated her being made queen in her own right accepted the situation. For herself, she afterwards confessed, she would have preferred her husband to become regent under her father (Burnet, iii. 391 seqq. Dalrymple, ii.284 Macaulay, ii. 633 seqq. Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 11).

On 1 Feb. 1689 Admiral Herbert (afterwards Lord Torrington) arrived with a yacht to fetch Mary home. On 10 Feb. she set sail. In the Thames she had foul weather but in the afternoon of the 12th she landed at Whitehall Stairs. She describes her pleasure in seeing her husband and her sister again, and the conflict between filial and conjugal duty which still oppressed her. She adds that after this meeting she ' was guilty of a great sin. I let myself go on too much, and the devil immediately took his advantage the world filled my mind, and left but little room for good thoughts ' (ib. pp. 10-11 ). After the offer of the crown she seems to have exhibited a mirthfulness which it is difficult to reconcile with her account of her real feeling. Her behaviour was certainly deficient in tact, though the narrative of the Duchess of Marlborough may be as exaggerated as her conclusion that Mary ' wanted bowels,' and Evelyn's that she ' took nothing to heart ' (Account of Conduct, p. 25 cf. Vindication of Account, p. 19 cf. Burnet, iii. 406-7, and Dartmouth's note Evelyn, Diaiy, ii. 69 Macaulay, ii. 652-4).

On 13 Feb. (Ash Wednesday), Mary, seated in state by her husband's side in the presence of the two houses in the banqueting-house at Whitehall, assented to the Declaration of Rights, and William in his and her name accepted the crown of England tendered by Halifax (Macaulay, ii. 654 cf. Life of James II, p. 308). Both sovereigns were hereupon instantly proclaimed (Dalrymple, i. 309). Their coronation took place on 11 April in Westminster Abbey, Compton, bishop of London, in the place of the absent primate, performing the ceremony, in most, though not all, points of which Mary as queen-regnant was placed on an equality with the king. Burnet, recently appointed bishop of Salisbury (cf. Oivn Time, iv. 3), preached the sermon. Among the queen's train-bearers was her cousin, Lady Henrietta Hyde, Rochester's daughter, though Mary had at first resented the conduct of both her uncles as to the succession (Clarendon Correspondence, ​ ii. 263-4 see Macaulay, iii. 117-20). Miss Strickland (xi. 18-28) states that on the morning of the coronation Mary received from her father the news of his landing in Kinsale, and used the heartless language attributed to her in 'Life of James II,' ii. 329 but anecdote and date are alike apocryphal. Much comment was aroused by the device of a chariot on the reverse of the coronation medal (Macaulay, iii. 120), and the comparison of Mary to Tullia became a cranibe repetita of the Jacobite wits (Miss Strickland, xi. 45-7). In April followed the proclamation of William and Mary in Scotland, with the settlement of the Claim of Rights, and on 12 May they took the oath of office at Whitehall, in the presence of the Scottish commissioners and all the Scotsmen of distinction then in London (Macaulay, iii. 287-93). Finally, by the new parliament which met in March 1690, and passed the Bill of Rights, they were recognised as rightful and lawful sovereigns.

Of the new ministry, Danby, now lord president, was a statesman whom she had good reason to trust to Shrewsbury, who received most of the king's confidence, it was rumoured that she was personally attached and the terrible 'Jack' Howe (i.e. John Grubham Howe) [q. v.], her vice-chamberlain, who at one time is said to have fancied her to be in love with himself, told Burnet that had she survived the king she would certainly have married Shrewsbury (Own Time : v. 453 Dartmouth's note). The great office of groom of the stole to the queen was be- stowed upon the Countess of Derby, the sister of the Duke of Ormonde according to the Duchess of Marlborough

The queen had no wish to interfere in public business, and accordingly few persons cared to pay court to her, so that she found herself very much neglected except in the way of censure (Memoirs ap. DoEBNER,p. 14 cf. Burnet, iv. 3). But William largely depended on her to make up for his own want of popularity. It is even said that about December 1689 he was with difficulty prevented from executing a design which he had kept secret from Maryof retiring to Holland, and leaving her in England to bear the brunt of the conflict (ib. iv. 71 : cf. Macaulay, iii. 530 but see Klopp, v. 87). On account of his state of health the court had very soon moved from Whitehall to Hampton Court, where among the odd novelties introduced was Mary's collection of Chinese porcelain, and where she indulged her tastes for gardening and architecture. But the distance from London proving too great, the king and queen fox some weeks from October 1689 resided at Holland House in Kensington, which they at one time thought of purchasing, and finally on 23 Dec. settled in toe mansion which they had bought from the Earl of Nottingham in the same suburb, and which henceforth became known as Kensington Palace.

In the midst of misrepresentation and scandal Mary strove to put as pleasant as possible a face upon things, but she was painfully affected by the moral laxity which on her arrival she found generally prevalent in England. Xor did sne confine herself to private musings on the subject. By her desire, when things seemed going ill in Scotland and Ireland, a public fast was proclaimed (cf. N. Luttrell, Brief Historical Relation y &c. i. 542), and, in accordance with her puritanising tendency, she abolished the singing of prayers in the Chapel Royal at Whitehall, and introduced Sunday afternoon sermons there (Memórias ap. Doebner, pp. 12 et al.) These innovations gave great oflence to the Princess Anne, who took her cue from the high church party. Notwithstanding Mary's dislike of Lady Marlborough, she had for some time after her arrival maintained friendly relations witli Anne. The queen showed great interest in the birth (24 July) and infant troubles of the Duke of Gloucester, and in the birth of Anne's next child, who was christened Mary (ib. p. 15 Countess Bentinck, p. 123), but a coolness had set hi between the sisters before the latter event. The Duchess of Marlborough (Account of Conduct, pp. 27-8) attributes its origin to Anne's disappointment at being refused some additional apartmentsat Whitehall and Richmond Palace. Mary says that in the latter part of 1689 she discovered that Anne was secretly 'making parties to get a revenue settled upon her,' and that both at the commencement and in the course of the transaction which ensued she had occasion to speak reproachfully to her sister, who only asked pardon of her and the king in order to compass her end (Memoirs a p. Doebner, pp. 1 7-27 cf. Account of Conduct, pp. 29-38 Dalrymple, ti. iii. 108 sq., iv. 155 sq. Macaulay, iii. 559-66). Though Anne obtained her parliamentary settlement of 50.000eu. a year, the sore rankled, while further umbrage was given to Anne by William's rude treatment of Prince George in Ireland (1690), and by Mary's refusal, of course under orders, to allow him to serve at sea during the king's absence in Holland (1691) [see Anne, 1665-1714 and George op Denmark].

Before William started for Ireland, in June ​ 1690, an act of parliament had been passed empowering Mary during his absence to exercise the government in his name as well as in her own. William had, according to Burnet (iv. 87), repeatedly said to Shrewsbury that, though he could not hit on the right way of pleasing England, the queen would. As she had, with her usual modesty, told him that the real responsibility must after all lie with the privy council (Memoirs, ap. Doebner, pp. 22-3), he was at special pains to furnish her with a suitable confidential committee of that body on which she might rely. To the loyalty of its nine members, who together with Carmarthen (Danby) in- cluded Kussell as chief naval and in the ultimate selection Marlborough as chief military adviser, William made an earnest appeal, but her letters to him show that she entertained no high esteem for most of them (Macaulay, iii. 593, f>98 Burnet, iv. £3 Clarendon Correspondence, ii. 31(5 Klopp, v. 101-2). She had recently recovered from an illness, but she promised Carmarthen 'not to be governed by her own or others' fears, but to follow the advise of those she believed had most courage and judgment ' (Memoirs ap. DoEBNER,p. 31). From her ' Memoirs,' and from her daily outpourings to her husband in the pathetic series of letters, it is abundantly clear that her piety and her affection for her husband enabled her to do her duty. Almost the first occasion on which she felt constrained to speak in her council was to approve of a warrant issuing for the arrest of her uncle Clarendon, who was involved in a plot against William. The French fleet, under Tourville, had entered the Channel, and an insurrection was daily expected. Furthermore, the conduct of Torrington, who was in command of the English fleet, gave rise to the gravest suspicion, but the queen followed the advice of the majority of her council, and, while sending him orders to fight, agreed that Russell and Monmouth should go down to the coast to supervise his proceedings. They were too late to prevent his losing the battle of Beaehy Head (30 June), and the queen, who had moreover just received the news of the disastrous battle of Fleurus. shared the sense of humiliation which filled the nation (Dalrymple, iii. 83-5). Shrewsbury's chivalrous offer of his services may have contributed to encourage her at this crisis(MACAULAT, iii. 613 Dalrymple, iii. 88-9), and after being distressed beyond measure by the news of William being wounded (ib, pp. 89-92), she was on 7 July rewarded by the news of his decisive victory of the Boyne, with which the fear of invasion virtually ended (ib. p. 600 cf. Macaulay, iii. 165). In the letter in which she confessed to William the ' confusion of thought ' into which she had been plunged, she begged him for his and her sake to see that no hurt should come to the person of her vanquished father, and characteristically added an entreaty that he would provide without delay for the church in Ireland, which everybody agreed was ' the worst in Christendom' (Dalrymple, iii. €2-6). Torrington, who had hoped for an audience from her, was straightway ordered to the Tower (Klopp, v. 135). The king, after raising the siege of Limerick, returned to Hampton Court 10 Sept. (Dalrymple, iii. 126-9), and she had the satisfaction of finding him ' very much pleased with her behaviour' (Memoirs ap. Doebxer), while both houses of parliament, when they met in October, voted her thanks for the prudence of her government (Macaulay, iii. 716). She at once relinquished all participation in public business (Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 34).

During the king's absence in Holland, from Jan. to 10 April 1C91 , she dissembled her anxiety, played every night at comet or basset, and allowed dancing at court on the occasion of her sister's birthday (ib. p. 36). But, with the sole exception of Henry Sidney, who had succeeded Shrewsbury as secretary of state, she was surrounded by enemies or cold friends. On the night before the king's return she was alarmed by a serious fire at Whitehall, from which she is said to have made her escape with difficulty (Miss Strickland, xi. 189-90: Macaulay, iv. 334). In the middle of April 1091 the sees of the deprived eight nonjuring bishops were at length tilled. Since their deprivation the queen had, through Burnet, Rochester, and Trevor, endeavoured to obtain a lenient treatment for thestt prelates (Burnet, iv. 128), more especially for Ken and Frampton and to her seems to belong the saying, attributed by Macaulay to William, that however much they wished to be martyrs, care should be taken to disappoint them (Plumptre, u.s., ii. 09-70 cS. Doebner, p. 41 ). In some of the many admirable appointments now and soon afterwards made, especially in the elevation to the primacy of Tillotson, for whom, as more moderate, her faithful Compton was, to his bitter chagrin, passed over, the influence of the queen seems distinctly traceable (cf. Burnet, iv. 137 Macaulay, iv. 34 seqq. C. J. Abbey, The Em/Hsh Church and its Bishops, 1700-1800 (1887), i. 94). Tillotson henceforth became the regular adviser as to church preferments of Mary, to whom William delegated such matters, but notwithstanding the moderation and conscientious ​ ness of both queen and primate, they were unable to check the increase of factiousness among the clergy (Burnet, iv. 211).

After William's departure to the continent, on 1 May 1691, Mary was thoroughly alarmed by the intrigues which had for their object the supplanting of the king and herself by Anne, and of which the moving spirit was Marlborough. The emptiness of the exchequer, which seriously affected the progress of the war in Ireland, weighed upon her, as did the necessity of assenting to sentences of death when she could not, as in Preston's case, approve of their commutation (Memoirs ap. Doebner, pp. 40-1). It was about this date that she burnt most of her meditations, putting her journals into a bag tied by her side, to be in readiness if necessary for the same fate. About the same time she removed to Whitehall, where she fancied herself in more security than out of town (ib. pp. 38-9). To her apprehensions for the king's safety were added regrets for the death of Lady Dorset, whose place in her household was filled by the Countess of Nottingham. On the return of William (19 Oct.), this time without laurels, the court went back to Kensington, where, 9 Nov., a fire again caused Mary much inconvenience (ib. p. 43).

Early in 1692 it became impossible for the king and queen any longer to ignore Marlborough's complicity in the conspiracy against them, and after an explanation between the queen and the princess he was deprived of his appointments on 10 Jan. Three weeks later, on Anne's venturing to bring the duchess to court, Mary wrote to her sister a decisive letter (printed in Account of Conduct, pp. 43-47, where an utterly perverted account is given of the transaction). Hereupon Anne, who refused to part from her favourite, removed to Sion House, and the rupture between the sisters was manifest. Although in April the queen visited Anne on the premature birth of another child, in October, when Anne had returned to town, Mary passed her without notice in the park, nor do they seem to have ever met again. It is highly probable that the intrigues now carried on by Anne with her father were known to Mary (Klopp, vi. 55 seqq.) By a curious irony of fate Mary, who deeply regretted the alienation from her sister (see Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 43, and cf. her letters to the Duchess Sophia, ib. pp. 93, 97), incurred the reproach of cruelty, while Anne received the pity due to injured innocence nor can it be doubted that the queen's popularity was diminished by the transaction (see, however, Klopp, vi. 32). Rochester, who in the dispute had judiciously taken the queen's side, was not long afterwards sworn of the privy council.

During William's absence on the campaign of 1692 (5 March to 18 Oct.) the burden of the administration once more fell on Mary's shoulders. She was again resident at Whitehall, where in April she was seriously ill (' it was the first time in 12 year I had missed going to Church on the Lord's day,' Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 47). On her recovery she was beset by fears of a French invasion, as well as of conspiracies, directed in part against her own person, which, much against her wont, she appears to have sought to counteract by gaining information through double-dealers with her father's court (Ralph ap. Dalrtmple, i. 564). In April a private letter from her father reached her. through one of the ladies ostentatiously invited to be present at the birth of a royal infant at St. Germains (Klopp, vi. 53-4). Though King William had promised to return, in the event of the actual landing of an invading force (Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 48), Mary felt obliged to hold back several regiments destined for Flanders (Klopp, vi. 56). In May James was at La Hogue, after issuing a declaration which, as self-condemnatory, Mary had the courage to allow to be circulated in England (Dalrymple, iii. 239 Macattlay, iv. 230). Fears were rife of treason on the part of many officers of the navy, and the queen showed great spirit in addressing to the admiral, Russell, a letter expressive, of her confidence in the loyalty of the service (ib. pp. 234-5 Dalrymple, uls. Life of James 12 li. 490). ' God alone,' she exclaims (Memoir' ap. Doebner, p. 49), ' delivered us,' by the winds which contributed to the decisive victory of La Hogue (19 May). Though she sanctioned a large gratuity to the sailors, opened St. Thomas's and St. Bartholomew's Hospitals to the wounded from the fleet, and declared her design of establishing a permanent hospital for disabled seamen at Greenwich (Macattlay, iv. 243), Mary delayed a public thanksgiving for the victory, in order to await the news from Flanders. When it came it was disappointing. Namur had fallen, and the defeat of Steinkirk soon followed a projected naval attempt upon the French coast likewise came to grief, and Mary's troubles were brought to a height by the discovery in Flanders of Grandvaal's design against William's life, in which she found her father to be involved (Memoirs ap. Doebner, pp. 51-4 cf. Burnet, iv. 170-4 Macaulay, iv. 285-6). It is therefore not surprising that the queen and her advisers should have attached credence to Young's revelations of a pretended plot, in conse ​ quence of which Marlborough was for some weeks lodged in the Tower.

During William's sojourn in England in the winter of 1692-3 she took great comfort from his unaccustomed kindness. He approved the orders she had during his absence given to the magistrates all over England for enforcing the law against vice and immorality, including what to her was specially abominable, the desecration of the Sunday (Burnet, iv. 181-2). She had also issued on 13 Sept. 1692 a much-censured proclamation, offering 40eu. a head for the apprehension and conviction of any burglar or highwayman (Miss Strickland, xi. 256-8). She could now hardly repress her indignation at the treachery and disloyalty surrounding the throne, and her dislike of the necessity to which William found himself reduced of courting the tories (Memoirs ap. Doebner, pp. 58-9). After he had again quitted Engand (24 March 1693), and she had to resume the regency, everything seemed to go wrong, nor had she when he came back (29 Oct.) the satisfaction of finding him approve her administration (ib.) Yet whether or not she acted judiciously in getting rid of Lord Bellamont, she was responsible neither for the loss of the Smyrna fleet, which caused an alarm she sought to allay by the prompt appointment of a committee of the council on the grievances of the Turkey merchants ( Macaulay , iv. 416, 469), nor for William's defeat at Landen. The anarchy in the council which she had been unable to stay obliged him after all to fall back on the whigs, out of whom he gradually formed a more solid ministry. Things began to improve, and, as she says, every one was resolving to try one year more at least (Memórias ap. Doebner , p.61).

During William's absence on the campaign of 1694 (6 May-9 Nov.), the queen's popularity in the city was proved Dy the ready response to her courageous request for a loan of 300,000eu. (Klopp, vi. 217 see Shrewsbury Correspondence, pp. 69 seqq. Klopp, vi. 340-341). The death of Tillotson (22 Nov.) greatly grieved her. Burnet (iv. 243) says that for many days she spoke of the archbishop ' in the tenderest manner, and not without tears' she pressed the king and Shrewsbury to name Stillingfleet as his successor, but Tenison was preferred as less 'high' in 'his notions and temper.' Soon afterwards the queen was herself taken ill. Already in the previous spring she had described herself as increasingly subject to the infirmities accompanying age— but she was only thirty-two — or the troubles and anxieties which every returning summer I brought to her (ap. Countess Bentinck, p. 146). On 20 Dec. she felt unwell, but the indisposition seemed unimportant, and on the 22nd she felt stronger, though by way of precaution she put her papers in order. It must have been on this occasion that she wrote to her husband a letter dwelling on his conjugal infidelities, and exhorting him to mend his ways, which she afterwards gave to Tenison to be transmitted after her death (Plumptre, ii. 79 note). On the 23rd an eruption ensued, which the nurse and Dr. John Radcliffe [q. v.] thought to be measles. By Christmas day the king and court were much alarmed deep emotion was manifested at the services in the Chapel Royal, and already political speculations were rife on the consequences of her death. In the evening the physicians agreed that she was suffering from a virulent attack of small-pox. On 26 Dec. Tenison was commissioned to inform her of her danger, when she expressed her perfect submission to the divine will. The king's grief, which he freely imparted to Burnet, was most vehement sympathetic crowds blocked all the approaches to Kensington Palace. The Princess Anne's request to be allowed to visit her sister was by medical advice declined by the king. On 2,' Dec. Mary, who had been almost continuously in prayer, received the sacrament, and bade an affectionate farewell to the king. Half an hour later, at one a.m. on 28 Dec, she died (Klopp, vii. 6-10 Lexington Papers, pp. 31-6 Burnet, iv. 245-8 cf. Macau lax, iv. 350-2). The queen's body, after being opened and embalmed, was removed from Kensington to Whitehall on the night of 29 Dec. The king, who had at first wished her funeral to be private, deferred it, and it was ultimately celebrated on 5 March with great pomp in Westminster Abbey, where Queen Mary rests in Henry VI Fs Chapel. Tenison preached the funeral sermon, an answer to which, reproaching the primate for not having exhorted the queen to a deathbed repentance on her fathers account, is thought to have been written by Ken (Plumptre, ii. 86-94 as to the replies which followed, see State Papers during the Reign of William III, 1706, ii. 522 seqq.) Both houses of parliament, which contrary to usage had not been dissolved, attended the service (Macaulay, iv. 534-5). Public funeral solemnities were also held in the United Provinces at Utrecht Grsevius preached before the Provincial Estates. Other notable sermons were delivered in England by Burnet, Sherlock, Wake, and many other divines and the queen was mourned in verse by Prior, Swift, Congreve, the Duke of Devonshire, and Lord Cutts, who had already in 1687 dedicated his ​ poems to Mary, in the ' Lacrymae Cantabrigienses,' edited by Thomas Brown, as well as in ' Clarendon Correspondence,' ii. 450 note. The city council was anxious to erect her statue with William's in front of the Royal Exchange but he preferred to honour her memory by carrying out her scheme of Greenwich Hospital. James II put on no mourning, and forbade the wearing of it by his court (Life of James II, ii. »525-7), and Pope Innocent XII took occasion to deliver an edifying discourse on the fifth commandment (Letters of James, Earl of Perth, ed. W. Jerdan, Camden Soc., 184o, p. 57). The hopes of the Jacobites were largely raised by her death.

It was Mary's fate in life, as she herself avers, to be misinterpreted. Placed under the fiercest light of publicity, in the most painful Eossible dilemma — between her father and er husband — she chose distinctly and definitely, and thereby drew upon herself the rancorous misjudgment of half a world. But both James and others who were without his excuse grossly erred in supposing that Mary either made or adhered to her choice with a light heart. Her solicitude for her father is unmistakably shown in numerous passages of herprivate memoirs (ap. Doebner, pp. 81-2). William warned Carmarthen that the queen never forgave disrespectful words concerning her father. Halifax lost credit with her for inopportune jests on the subject (Burnet, iv. 241 note), and Titus Oates's pension was suspended because he had darea to offend in the same sense (Klopp, v. 123). Nottingham, who enjoyed much of her intimacy, was even convinced that if she had survived her husband she would have restored her father, but though this passes probability she never seems to have cut herself loose from him till after she discovered his. cognisance of Grandvaal's design upon William's life.

Her affection for William thus became the only human anchorage of her life. She was childless, brotherless, and, after the quarrel which Anne had forced upon her, sisterless. To her husband she was absolutely loyal. Though in fact fully equal to the responsibilities thrust upon her, and wanting neither in application nor in firmness and courage, she regarded herself as unfit for politics, and felt assured that it was not through them she would find a place in history (ib. ii. 92). Year after year she cheerfully relinquished the conduct of affairs when relieved of it by the king's return, only to resume it on his departure with renewed misgivings. In an age and belonging to a family prolific of strong-minded women, she was not one of them. Buckinghamshire ( Works, ii. 74) truly calls her ' the most complying wife in the world,' and Macaulay hardly goes beyond the mark in asserting that her husband's ' empire over her heart was divided only with her God,'

Profoundly convinced that Williams was a providential mission, to further his political ends was for her a religious duty. Brought up in a spirit of militant protestantism, she had accustomed herself in Holland to a fervent, pietistic way of looking at the experiences of life. She was a great bible-reader (cf. Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 25 cf. C. J. Abbey, i. 125), and never swerved from her own standard of orthodoxy, of which she was capable of giving a very clear account. But she was wholly devoid of theological arrogance, and her 'Meditations' and 'Prayers,' as well as her 'Memoirs,' which were manifestly intended for no eye but her own, breathe a spirit of simple piety. It was inevitable that, though an affectionate daughter of the church of England, and extremely regular in all practices of devotion, she should attract little sympathy from the high church party. She would gladly have reconciled parties in the church, and the church itself with the presbyterians. She even shared William's tolerant feelings towards the Roman catholics. Thus her warm interest in ecclesiastical affairs, and more especially in the matter of preferments, though altogether single-minded (cf. ib. pp. 104 seqq.), met with a return anything but grateful from the embittered-clerical spirit of her age. Her endowment of the William and Mary College in Virginia for the training of missionaries (Burnet, Own Time, iv. 216-16), and her interest in Thomas Bray [q. v.], the founder of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (Abbey, i. 83), attest her religious interests while, according to Burnet (Memorial, pp. 106 seqq.), she had formed a design for the augmentation of poor livings at home, and entertained a strong objection to pluralities and non-residence. Her efforts on behalf of public morality were not ill-timed. Her public and private charities were alike numerous and unostentatious, her special protection was extended to the French protestant refugees, both in England and in the Low Countries (ib. pp. 143 seqq.) The charm of her character lay in her moral qualities. She was amiable, cheerful, and equable in temper, and gifted with both intelligence and reasonableness of mind. Genuinely modest in a shameless age, and hating scandal, she was not wanting in vivacity (Burnet, Memorial, p. 87). Her letters contain some sprightly turns of phrase, and her memoirs some good sketches of character. She was, moreover, unlike her sister, fond of conversation. Indeed, the Duchess of ​ Marlborough (Account of Conduct, p. 25) pretends that she soon grew weary of anybody who would not talk a great deal. At court a saying circulated according to which the queen talked as much as the king thought and the princess ate ( Klopp , iv. 397). Miss Strickland insinuates that in the last respect both of Anne Hyde's daughters resembled their mother. The defects of Mary's education had, more especially in the quiet Dutch days during Hooper s chaplaincy, been supplemented by reading, and she never gave up the habit. She was well-informed, not only in controversial divinity, but in history, and took up the study of English constitutional history as late as 1691 (Memórias ap. Doebner , p. 44). According to Burnet (Memorial, p. 80) she was very exact in geography, and had a taste for other sciences. She wrote with ease and fluency in both French and English, and could put together a letter in Dutch (ap. Dalrymple , iii. 87). Her weak eyesight, however, at times obliged her to resort to female handiwork in her desire to avoid idleness ( Burnet , Own Time, iii. 134 Memorial, pp. 81-2). At Hampton Court many evidences of her horticultural taste are still extant, and three catalogues of her botanical collections are in the British Museum (Sloane MSS. 2928, 2370-1, 3343 see Law , Hampton Court, iii. 30-42).

A large number of portraits remain from the successive periods of Mary's short life. In youth an elegant dancer, and slight in figure, she afterwards grew more, but never excessively, full in person, and was always a good walker (ap. Doebner , pp. 102-3).

The earliest portrait of her is probably Necksher's, taken at about two years of age. Wissing's was painted in duplicate between 1085 and 1687. There is another Dutch portrait, belonging to Lord Braybrooke, of 1688. The latest is Vandervaast's, of 1692.

[Genuine materials for a personal biography of Mary II are to he found in her letters to William III, covering the period from 19 June to $ Sept. 1690. and printed in Dalrymple, iii. 68-129 in the Lettres et Memoires de Marie Reine d'Angleterre, &c published by Countess Bentinck at the Hague in 1880. and comprising a fragment of Marys Memoirs (in French) from the beginning to the end of 1688, together with a series of Meditations hy her, dating from 1690 and 1691, and a short series of letters written by her to Baroness de Wassenaer-Obdam and others at various times in the six years of her reign and in the Memoirs and Letters of Mary, Queen of England, ed. by Dr. R. Doebner, Leipzig, 1886. The last>named volume carries on her summary autobiographical narrative (in English) from the beginning of 1689 to the close of 1693, and contains in addition a series of letters from the queen to the Electress Sophia, dating from 1689 to 1694. These materials have been largely used by Kramer in his Maria II Stuart (Utrecht, 1890), the best extant biography of Queen Mary. Miss Strickland's life of her in vols. x. and xi. of the Lives of the Queens of England, 1847, which is full of interesting details as to the queen's earlier years, afterwards degenerates into spiteful gossip. For Mary's early years and marriage see Diary of Dr. Edward Lake, ed. by ft. P. Elliott for the Camden Society, Camden Misc. vol, i. (1847). For her life in Holland see tho extracts from Hoopers MS. in Trevor's Life and Times of William III. 1836, reproduced by Miss Strickland and II. Sidney's Diary and Correspondence from 1679, ed. R. W. Blencowe, 2 vols. 1843. Burnet's Hist. of his own Time (here cited in the Oxford edit. 1833) is a first-hand authority from 1686 10 the queen s death. His Essay on the Memory of the late Queen (here cited as Memorial in the original edition) first appeared in 1695. See also Clarendon Correspondence, ed. S. W. Singer, 2 vols. 1828 Clarke s Life of James II, 2 vols. 1816 Evehn's Diary and Correspondence, ed. Bray and Wheatley, 4 vols. 1879 Shrewsbury Papers, ed. Coxe, 1821 and as to the relations between Mary and Anne [Hooke's] Account of the Conduct of the Dowager Duchess of Marlborough, 1742. See also Dalrymple's Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland, 3 vols. 1790 edit. Klopp's Der Fall des Hauses Stuart, espetially vols, ii-vii. (1875-9) Macaulay's Hist. of England, especially vols, ii-iv. (here cited in the 1st edit.) F. A. Mazure's Histoire de la Revolution de 1688 en Angleterre, 4 vols. Brussels, 1843 PIumptre's Life of Ken, 2 vols. 1888 C. J. Abbey's The English Church and its Bishops, 1700-1800, 2 vols. 1887. For a bibliography of the political as distinguished from the personal history of Mary's life, see under William III.]


History & Traditions

William & Mary is the second-oldest institution of higher learning in America. While our original plans date back to 1618 — decades before Harvard — William & Mary was officially chartered in 1693.

Birth by Royal Charter

On February 8, 1693, King William III and Queen Mary II of England signed the charter for a "perpetual College of Divinity, Philosophy, Languages, and other good Arts and Sciences" to be founded in the Virginia Colony. And William & Mary was born.

Workers began construction on the Sir Christopher Wren Building, then known simply as the College Building in 1695, before the town of Williamsburg even existed. Over the next two centuries, the Wren Building would burn on three separate occasions, each time being re-built inside the original walls. That makes the Wren the oldest college building still standing in America, and possibly the most flammable.

Alma Mater of the Nation

William & Mary has been called the Alma Mater of the Nation because of its close ties to America's founding fathers. A 17-year-old George Washington received his surveyor's license through W&M and would return as its first American chancellor. Thomas Jefferson received his undergraduate education here, as did presidents John Tyler and James Monroe.

W&M is famous for its firsts: the first U.S. institution with a Royal Charter, the first Greek-letter society (Phi Beta Kappa, founded in 1776), the first student honor code, the first college to become a university and the first law school in America.

William & Mary became a state-supported school in 1906 and went coed in 1918. In 1928, John D. Rockefeller, Jr. chose the Wren Building as the first to be returned to its 18th-century appearance as part of the iconic Colonial Williamsburg restoration.

Learn more about our unique history and love of traditions:

W&M Traditions

Life at W&M

W&M in 30: Life at W&M, 30 seconds at a time. Watch the special moments and unique traditions that make W&M home. Mais.

Assista o vídeo: Ave Maria II-Camino Neocatecumenal